The pressing question on the minds of many Nigerians today is whether Siminalayi Fubara will return as the Governor of Rivers State after the six-month suspension imposed on him by President Bola Tinubu on Tuesday, March 18, 2025.
From all indications, the likelihood of his reinstatement appears slim.
It seems improbable that the same forces that ousted Fubara through what many see as an unconstitutional and high-handed act will reverse course, unless the Nigerian people rise in unity to resist the overreach of the Tinubu administration—similar to what South Koreans recently accomplished.
On June 3, 2025, South Koreans are set to vote in a snap presidential election to replace President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was removed from office following his unconstitutional declaration of martial law in December 2024. Acting President Han Duck-soo announced the election shortly after the Constitutional Court—South Korea’s highest judicial body—unanimously upheld Yoon’s impeachment.
Yoon, who narrowly won the 2022 presidential election, made a drastic and unlawful move on December 3, 2024, by sending troops and law enforcement to the National Assembly under the guise of maintaining national order. Lawmakers saw it for what it was: a coup. Within hours, they blocked the decree, suspended his powers, and by mid-December, voted to impeach him. He was later arrested and charged with rebellion. On April 4, 2025, the Constitutional Court confirmed his dismissal, citing a gross abuse of power.
Contrast this democratic resilience with Nigeria’s situation, and the fragility of our institutions becomes painfully clear.
President Tinubu’s decision to declare a state of emergency in Rivers State and suspend its elected officials—including Governor Fubara, his deputy, and the entire House of Assembly—was a brazen power move with no constitutional backing. He claimed it was necessary to resolve the political crisis between the governor and state lawmakers. However, the root of the crisis is the ongoing conflict between Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory.
The appointment of former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas (retd.), as the sole administrator of Rivers State without constitutional provisions has only deepened concerns. Tanks rolled onto the streets, and a military presence enforced Tinubu’s decree. Ibas was sworn in on March 19, surrounded by Tinubu’s loyalists—including the Attorney General and Chief of Staff—but the legitimacy of his appointment remains unclear.
Since then, Ibas has been systematically dismantling the state’s democratic institutions. He has received full access to Rivers State funds, proposed a new budget, suspended all Ministry, Department, and Agency (MDA) heads, dissolved boards, and canceled procurement processes. Ironically, while citing the absence of a valid budget to cancel tenders, he continues to spend state funds without legislative appropriation.
Further consolidating power, Ibas has appointed loyalists to key positions, including sole administrators for the 23 local government areas and a new chairman for the state electoral commission—actions taken despite a Federal High Court order restraining him.
These moves directly violate Sections 120 and 121 of the Nigerian Constitution, particularly in light of a recent Supreme Court ruling on appropriation powers. What’s unfolding in Rivers State is a hijacking of public resources and democratic processes.
While Tinubu paints Fubara as the root of the crisis, it is Wike who appears to be pulling strings behind the scenes. Recently, Wike hosted the suspended lawmakers to a luxury retreat in the UK, under the pretense of “legislative capacity building.”
As Vice Admiral Ibas further entrenches himself, the big question remains: what happens after the six-month period ends?
Expecting Tinubu to allow Fubara back in office is naïve. If there were any intention to resolve the crisis democratically, Tinubu could have simply instructed Wike to disengage from Rivers State politics. Instead, the aim appears to be the complete sidelining of the electorate’s choice and the imposition of preferred candidates.
The people of Rivers—and indeed Nigeria—must prepare for a decisive moment. In South Korea, institutions rose to defend democracy. In Nigeria, our National Assembly and judiciary remain hesitant. At this point, the only hope of restoring Governor Fubara lies in the collective will and righteous anger of the Nigerian people.
